For All Nails #84c: Succession
Berlin, Kingdom of Prussia, German Empire
28 June 1974
Exterior Minister Joshua Merkel sat and watched as General Eric von Gellmann
and Chancellor Adolph Markstein were carried out of the cabinet room, the
former to a hospital, the latter to a morgue. Although the cabinet room was
still crowded with people, not a word was spoken for a long time after the
gurneys left. Finally, a few whispered conversations began here and there,
and a low murmur gradually filled the room.
Merkel's attention was fixed on a conversation that began between Justice
Minister Gerhard Pritzker and Interior Minister Hans Steiner. "We've got to
choose another Chancellor," said Steiner. At this moment Merkel envied him
his stolid temperament. The whole world could blow up tomorrow  and the
Interior Minister would remain calm and collected.
"I'm not sure if we can," said Pritzker, and worry lines had appeared on his
normally placid face. "This has never happened before. There's no
"Well then," the Interior Minister countered, "we'll have to establish one,
"I think," Pritzker said uncertainly, "that with the Chancellor's, um, ah..."
"Death," said Steiner firmly.
There was a moment's silence before Pritzker sighed and said, "Death. With
the Chancellor's death, the government's mandate has expired. At least,
that's the way it was done during the Confederation. I think we're going to
have to elect a new Imperial Diet, and they're going to have to choose a new
"We can't wait for a new Diet to be elected," insisted Defense Minister Horst
Voth. "We're in the middle of a crisis here. The Empire needs leadership,
and it needs it now."
Merkel felt a discreet tug on his sleeve, and he turned to see his aide,
Johann Gerstenzang, crouched beside him. "Herr Minister," he said, "word has
just come from our consulate on Trinidad. Forces from New Granada have made
a series of landings on the island. There are troops from the FANG in the
The conversation among the others had stopped. Voth said to Merkel, "Where
"It's an island off the coast of New Granada," Merkel explained. ""It used
to be a Spanish colony, got its independence during the Bloody Eighties." He
turned to Gerstenzang. "Has there been any reaction from the other powers?"
"President Moctezuma has condemned the New Granadans' actions. There's been
no official word from the British or the North Americans," said Gerstenzang.
Merkel found the attention of the rest of the cabinet focused on him. He
would have greatly preferred to flee to his house on the Bendlerstrasse and
hide there for a month or so while he recovered from the shock of the day's
events, but he knew that he would not be allowed to do so. The world was
still turning, and he would have to keep up with it as best he could.
Managing by sheer force of will to order his thoughts, he began to explain
the situation to his colleagues. "Trinidad has been within the British sphere
of influence since the Global War," he said. "It's not part of the United
Empire, but there is a British installation there. If the British haven't
voiced any objections to the New Granadan occupation, it can only mean that
the New Granadans are acting with their tacit approval. I needn't spell out
for you the strategic implications of an Anglo-Neogranadan rapprochement."
"What strategic implications?" said Finance Minister Angela Bitterlich.
A look passed between Merkel, Voth and Steiner. Whoever became the next
Chancellor, the cabinet would be getting a new Finance Minister.
"Ever since the Global War," said Merkel as he continued his explanation,
"there has been a balance of power in the Caribbean between ourselves and our
Mexican allies on one side, and the British and their United Empire allies on
the other. Now that New Granada has reached an understanding with the
British, or possibly even an alliance, it places our own interests at risk.
Between them, the British and the New Granadans could eliminate or turn every
pro-Mexican and pro-German government in Latin America. If they grow
powerful enough, they could even force the Mexicans into neutrality, leaving
us completely without influence in America."
"Herr Merkel!" At the doorway of the cabinet room was Wolfgang Dorff,
Merkel's Under-Minister for Russia. Spotting Merkel, Dorff entered and made
his way to the table. An excitable man at the best of times, Dorff looked
like he was about to jump out of his skin.
"What is it, Dorff?" Merkel wasn't sure he really wanted to know what Dorff
had to tell him, but there was no point in putting it off.
"We've just got word from St. Petersburg!" Dorff exclaimed. "There's been an
uprising! The Winter Palace has been occupied!"
"Occupied by whom?"
"The Novgorod faction!" Dorff continued to exclaim. "They've made a
proclamation withdrawing the Free Russian Republic from the ARR  and
offering an alliance with the Scandinavians!"
"Bloody Vikings!" Voth swore. "Now we know why the Chancellor was
assassinated. It's all part of a Scandie plot to break up the ARR."
"We don't know that the Scandinavians are behind the Chancellor's death,"
Merkel pointed out. "We don't even know that they're behind this uprising."
Merkel would have continued, but another man entered the cabinet room then,
and Merkel recognized him as David Bernstein, director of the Imperial
Security Service. He went straight to Steiner. "Herr Minister," said
Bernstein, "our forensics team has completed a preliminary analysis of the
rifle found with Herr Ducevic."
"What are your findings?" prompted Steiner.
"Herr Minister, the rifle is a Mauser Selbstladegewehr 66. The ammunition
matches the slugs taken from General Gellmann and the Chancellor. It also
matches the bullets that killed Oberwachtmeister Schuschnigg in Bayeux 
and narrowly missed Fraulein Fanchon in Paris." 
"And there you have it," said Voth. "Who was backing those Breton
separatists who tried to kill Premier Fanchon last year? Who has been
sponsoring the Serb terrorists in Croatia?  Who has been filling the
Baltic with submersible-based missiles aimed right at us?  Who else but
the Scandies? This is only the latest in a long series of provocations whose
ultimate aim can only be the destruction of the Empire. I say the time has
come to put a stop to it, to show the Scandies once and for all that the
Empire is not to be trifled with."
Merkel was beginning to get a sinking feeling in his guts. The crisis
following the attempt on Yvette Fanchon had been hair-raising enough. This
had the potential to be much worse, and now there was no Adolph Markstein to
keep the Defense Minister in line. "What is it you are proposing to do, Herr
Voth?" he asked, knowing he wouldn't like the answer.
"Ever since the Scandies started buying their submersibles from Kramer
Associates," Voth answered, "the Defense Ministry has been working on a
program designed to detect and track them. And in spite of the shell game
the Scandies have been playing with their submersible bases, we have
succeeded. We know now where every Scandinavian submersible is situated,
whether in the Baltic, the Arctic, or the Caribbean. In forty-eight hours, I
can have forces in place that will allow us to destroy every single one of
those submersibles. At one stroke, the Scandinavian atomic threat will be
neutralized." Voth projected an air of total confidence, a mannerism that
had stood him in good stead among his constituents in Bremerhaven,  and
won him a wide following among the Imperialist wing of the Germany Party
(which was of course the reason Markstein had named him to his cabinet).
"Herr Voth," said Merkel, "it is very easy to make promises of total success,
and very difficult to make good on them. If you should launch your attack,
and fail to destroy even one submersible, then the Scandinavians will have
twelve atomic missiles to use against the Empire, and twelve German cities
will pay the price for your failure. We must not allow ourselves to be
swayed by the passions of the moment. This is a time for prudence, not
"The question of how to respond to this attack is one that the next
Chancellor must decide," said Steiner. "Which brings us back to the question
of who our next Chancellor will be."
Michael Schroder, aide to the late Chancellor Markstein, had entered the
cabinet room during Merkel's remarks. Now, in response to Steiner's
statement, he said, "Do you mean you haven't figured it out yet?"
"Figured what out yet?" said Science Minister Heinrich Kausler.
"Who the Deputy Chancellor is," Schroder answered.
Pritzker snapped his fingers. "My God," he exclaimed, "I forgot all about
that silly thing!" Seeing the others looking to him for clarification, he
went on. "Don't you remember a few years back, after those Ukrainians tried
to kill King Frederick?  There was a bill introduced into the Diet to
establish a Deputy Chancellor."
Merkel's memory was beginning to stir. "I thought there was some sort of
deadlock that kept it from being passed?"
"There was, for a while," said Schroder. "It was finally resolved by having
the Deputy Chancellorship rotate among the members of the cabinet every
quarter. The bill was passed on the last day of the session, which is why
you probably don't remember it."  Merkel nodded. Every year, the Imperial
Diet ended in a marathon session where dozens of bills that had lain idle for
months were hurriedly passed into law.  Every session produced one or two
laws on the last day that caused a scandal and had to be repealed during the
"So who is the Deputy Chancellor, then?" Merkel asked.
Schroder shrugged. "I tried to keep track at first," he said, "but it
slipped my mind after a while. If I remember correctly, the bill went into
effect on 1 January 1972, and the post has shifted every three months since
then." He began counting on his fingers. "Let's see, Defense, Interior,
Exterior, Justice, Agriculture, Transportation, Labor, Commerce, Science,
Finance . . . ah . . . yes, currently it's, umm . . ." Schroder's voice
Merkel sat still for a long moment as the enormity of the situation washed
over him, then slowly rose from the table. Exchanging helpless glances with
Voth, he turned and walked through the silent room to the back wall where the
Emperor stood. Bowing to him, Merkel said, "Your Imperial Majesty, could you
join us, please? We need you for the investiture ceremony."
"Of course, Herr Merkel," said William. He followed Merkel back to the
table, then drew his ceremonial sword as Angela Bitterlich knelt before him.
"Frau Bitterlich," the Emperor began, "in the name of the German Empire over
which I reign, I now call upon you to accept the title of Chancellor, and to
govern the Empire to the best of your ability...."
 This is not forshadowing. Honestly. I mean it.
 The Associated Russian Republics (ARR) was established in 1965 as a
political and military alliance of the various Russian successor states,
including the Moscow-based Russian Confederation, the St. Petersburg-based
Free Russian Republic, the Ukrainian Republic, the Republic of Minsk, and the
Yugorussian Republic. The ARR runs a "joint security and defense policy"
(JSDP) for the republics which consists of the Joint Armed Forces and the
Political Consultative Committee. The German Empire is allied with the ARR
and entitled to sit in PCC meetings. Its Eastern Division forces are
integrated with the JAF, and the JAF high command is integrated with German
officers. Defense planning, in other words, is run by Berlin.
The national contingents to the JAF are organized at the battalion level, and
carefully planned so that no national army can function /except/ in joint
operations with the German Army. (OTL's Warsaw Pact worked this way, save for
Romania.) Unlike the Warsaw Pact, the alliance between the German Empire and
the ARR has no name, since the Germans prefer to maintain the fiction that
the ARR is an indigenous Russian institution.
 See FAN #34.
 This incident has not appeared in a FAN vignette yet, but stay tuned.
 See FAN #57a.
 See FAN #14b.
 As in OTL, Bremerhaven is the site of a major shipbuilding works. Thanks
to some deft maneuvering by one of Voth's predecessors, it is also the
location of the Klemperer Airmobile Factory. Military contracts have brought
steady prosperity to the area, and Voth's highly publicized doctrine of
"proactive defense" has assured him the enthusiastic support of the voters
 See FAN #7.
 It also slipped the attention of President Vieira of Angola, which
explains his comments in FAN #84b.
 Any resemblance to any OTL legislature is purely coincidental.
(Thanks to Noel for the ARR footnote.)